KEY: 🔴: Neighborhoods making lower than 33,714 USD, 🔺: Population. Taller spikes correlates to greater population
82 neighborhoods, encompassing 225000+ people, make average incomes less than 33,714. This exceeds
the populations of cities such as Richmond and Yonkers.
The USDA recommends that individuals spend at
least 280.95 a month on average to afford
economic, healthy meals. Per USDA statistics,
10% of a household’s salary should be
invested in order to purchase these meals
comfortably, estimating that an income of
33,714 USD is necessary.
In the context of New York City's 196 neighborhoods,
82 of them make an average median income less
than this threshold. In these neighborhoods,
more than 225,000 people are dependent on some
kind of food assistance program in order to
comfortably afford meals. Though this encompasses
only 2.5% of people in the city, the number is
still fairly large– greater than the populations
of cities such as Yonkers and Richmond. Food
insecurity makes individuals more prone to
malnutrition, resulting in increased risks of
high blood pressure, diabetes and other diet-related
health problems.
Admittedly, this only scratches the surface–
there are far more variables that encompass
what makes a neighborhood food insecure.
Biting the Big Apple will go through a
comprehensive deep dive of New York City’s food
insecurity, elaborating what food insecurity is
in the context of NYC, where food insecurity is
most prevalent, why it is important to address
food insecurity, what does food insecurity look
like, and how food insecurity can be tackled
throughout the city.
Food insecurity is the inability to comfortably
access affordable, healthy dietary options.
In the context of New York City, it takes two forms:
In incumbent investigations by the USDA, food insecurity
is mostly emphasized by the lack of physical proximity
(10 mile radius) to a supermarket. However, since NYC
is so dense, the term "food swamp" must be used to discuss the
lack of economical access to healthier options. In order
to truly discuss which neighborhoods are riddled with
food insecurity, various investigations and correlations
of data such as income, supermarket and bodega counts,
median rent and vehicle counts are all correlated to
paint NYC's food insecurity landscape.
Matrix of street views showing a food desert (left), swamp (center) and oasis (right).
Though this will be looked into further, this gives an idea of infrastructural differences
between the three environments.
USDA Table showing recommended costs for healthy, nutritious meals per person.
Various types of food vendors. Depending on the food infrastructure, the
concentrations of these
sources will vary throughout each neighborhood.
In order to get a comprehensive understanding
where food insecurity is most prevalent, it is
essential to take in data from various sources.
In these investigations, various infrastructural
datasets (i.e. supermarket counts, vehicle prevalence)
are correlated with various economic parameters
(i.e. Average median income, food stamp prevalence)
to identify conditions of what makes a place
food insecure.
Based on these results, three different neighborhoods
will be chosen: one food oasis, swamp and desert. These
areas will be investigated further in a qualitative
manner, completing the definition of food insecurity
that the numbers in these quantitative presentations
cannot articulate.
02A: DEEPER FINANCIAL BURDENS
Though the 33,714 USD cutoff for affording
healthy meals is a good indicator for understanding
neighborhoods with financial difficulties, it could
also be justified with another financial parameter--
rent. According to many major financial institutions,
such as SoFi and Chase, it is recommended that families
should invest less than 30% of their income towards
rent/mortgage in order to be financially sound.
In this particular graph, there is a comparison
between the %of income that goes towards food, and
the %of income that goes towards rent, with the
dashed red lines representing the recommended
financial cutoffs. Neighborhoodsthat exceed both of
these cutoffs are prime candidates that are more
vulnerable to food insecurity. In this case, these
neighborhoods get a distinction gives them more
prioritywhen it comes to classifying which
neighborhoods suffer from food insecurity the most.
02B: VEHICLE PREVALENCE
In certain areas, especially in the outskirts
of New York City, neighborhoods tend to become
more sparsely populated, with infrastructure
being more spread out. In these investigations,
these can mistakenly read as places that may have
more difficulty with accessing adequate nutritious
infrastructure.
The graph is divided into three groups: one where
there are lower amounts of supermarkets but
compensated with higher vehicle ownership (blue),
one where there are less vehicles but enough
supermarkets accessible to the public (green),
and most importantly, one where there are
inadequate amounts of vehicle ownership and
supermarket infrastructure. This ultimately
filters out any false positives regarding any
neighborhoods that may be seen as food insecure
due to their sparsely populated food infrastructure.
02C: FOOD STAMP ASSISTANCE
Food stamps are typically given to individuals
that need assistance with obtaining food. In this
study, food stamp prevalence (Source: US Census
2020 ACS5) is correlated with supermarket counts
,
and income. This scatterplot also divides into
three groups, those with good access to supermarkets
and are able to afford it (i.e. Sunset Park), those
with decent access to supermarkets but have meager
means of purchasing goods (i.e. Central Harlem), and
those who have neither the means of supermarket
access and/or have higher prevalence of food stamp
assistance.
🟢: Food Oasis
🟡: Food Swamp
🔴: Food Desert
Ideally, neighborhoods should have
infrastructure that allows for
adequeate access to healthy food
options. However, in the case of
places with food insecurity, there
are holes in the infrastructure
that give food insecure places
their classification.
Within this investigation, a food
oasis is used as a control group
and is compared to other food
insecure neighborhoods in order
to show the qualitative differences
and contrasts between infrastructure.
Using google street imagery, a
rough panorama is stitched together.
All these captures are taken every 10
meters, and all represent the same
distance.
Food Oasis: Sunset Park 8th Avenue, 54th-57th Street.
Total Supermarkets: 22, Total Restaurants: 7, Total Fast Food: 5
There is an abundant and dense network of grocery vendors, along with a fair share of dining options. Though this is a fairly low income neighborhood, the availability
of resources and the low dependency on food stamps indicates a neighborhood with sufficient access to healthy options.
Food Desert: Starrett City. Louisiana Avenue and Twin Pines Drive
Total Supermarkets: 2, Total Restaurants: 1, Total Fast Food: 8, Total Health: 2
Starrett City finds itself to only have two total supermarkets located in strip malls, surrounded by various fast-food options. The high prevalence of fast-food establishments
suggests the neighborhood could populate with more infrastructure that is not just concentrated within the two strip malls in the center of the neighborhood
Food Swamp: Central Harlem-North. 145th Street, Bradhurst Avenue to Adam C. Powell Boulevard
Total Supermarkets: 2, Total Restaurants: 1, Total Fast Food: 6, Total Health: 5
Compared to the Sunset Park example, CH-N has a lower density of food infrastructure. However, fast food & convenience options are more plentiful compared to the supermarkets available.
However, it is interesting to note the amount of health infrastructure around. Is this due to the higher prevalence of health problems? This implies that though there are options
available for healthy dining, the combination of the high food stamp prevalence in this neighborhood hints at the preference of more affordable options
FOOD DESERT: Starrett City
When it comes to the food infrastructure of Starrett
City, there are only two supermarkets in the entire
neighborhood. Outside of these supermarkets, the food
options mostly involve fast food, dominated by chain
establishments (i.e. Dunkin, Sarku Japan, etc.) that
take up Starrett City's retail spaces. With 52% of
the neighborhood having food stamps, it is also evident
that healthier options are more difficult to obtain
Starrett City's infrastructure is mostly apartment
complexes, with two strip malls. The strip malls also have
vast amounts of parking space too, which is ironic
considering the general lack of automobile vehicle usage
in comparison to other neighborhoods.
FOOD SWAMP: Central Harlem-North
CH-N differentiates itself from the food desert
example by having denser infrastructure-- especially
with a greater amount of supermarkets overall, unlike
Starrett City which only has two. However, the
presence of fast-food options is similar to its food
desert counterpart is prevalent-- bodegas and fast food
choices still outnumber supermarket infrastructure.
With around 45% of their populace also using food stamps,
it is clear that financial assistance is needed to
access healthier options.
CH-N has much more variety when it comes to
infrastructure, unlike Starrett City which is mainly
composed of High Rise buildings, strip malls and asphalt
lots. The density of their infrastructure also makes
the lack of vehicles not as much of a problem, as this
offset by plentiful access to the MTA Subway and Bus
lines.
Food Oasis: Sunset Park
Sunset Park differentiates itself from its food
insecure counterparts by offering a dense supermarket
network, with almost every block having a food vendor.
Unlike supermarkets in Starrett City or Central Harlem-
North, Sunset Park proudly displays their produce
outside of their premises, and even allot smaller venues
to have fresh produce, which would've otherwise read as
fast food restaurants or cornerstores in the food-insecure
neighborhoods.
With only 28% of residents using food stamps, and having
median incomes similar to Central Harlem-North, along with
similar building typologies, Sunset Park sets a good example
of how lower-income neighborhoods can still have ample
access to healthier options at an affordable price. Ultimately,
Sunset Park minimizes the presence of fast food restaurants,
in favor of local vendors.
There are various incumbent practices that tackle
food insecurity throughout the City, such as
In God's Love We Deliver, which deliver
groceries to those over the age of 65 and have
difficulty accessing healtlhy infrastructure.
There are also other Public food insecurity
sources, such as the NYC food distribution
program, wherethose with children attending
school can have their families benefit by getting
adequeate meals a day. Other practices can also be
local to specific neighborhoods, such as church
food distributions and local cart vendors.
However, all of these solutions have limitations--
in order to be sustainable, they must keep their
audiences small. Practices with too universal of an
audience would be too expensive, and would either cut
corners or quickly fizzle out. Each neighborhood is
also different in terms of their infrastructure,
populace, and history. In order to create a proper
solution, it is essential to simulate how these
incumbent solutions impact their neighborhoods, and
which ones would work best together and vice versa.
OPTIONS BRIEF:
The Senior Citizen Program (option 1) are food drives,
such as God's Name We Deliver, distribute food to
individuals that are over age 65 and/or have a disability.
This strategy is most compatible with communities with
more seniors or people with disabilities.
Second, school programs (option 2) work with the city's
No Kid Hungry Plan to provide meals to students
and their families based on financial need. This option
would be most effective in neighborhoods with school
children and families.
New supermarket infrastructure (option 3) would create
new supermarkets in areas that lack them. This would be a
preferable program in food deserts or in areas that lack
reliable or accessible transportation to supermarket
infrastructure.
Next, religious food drives (option 4) provide meal
assistance at local places of worship. They are typically
funded by the city and can adequately feed up to 100
people. This strategy may be best suited for communities
of a more religious demographic.
Lastly, converting vacant storefronts into food banks
(option 5) is based on PLUTO and can adequately feed up
to 200 people. This option is desirable in areas that
may have existing supermarket infrastructure but need
additional meal assistance resources.
As a food desert, it is evident that the addition of
supermarkets in tracts that currently do not have one will
help at least 20% of Ocean Hill’s population. With the
abundance of religious infrastructure in Ocean Hill,
bolstering more funds for these institutions to give out
meals would help at least 22% of the population. However,
the options of increased funding for School meals, Senior
Citizen services and storefront conversion seem to cover
more individuals, as each option covers >30% of Ocean
Hill’s population.
Geographically, each option has more density in other
regions, which gives speculation to how these programs can
combine together to optimally serve populations. In the case
of Ocean Hill, any program that seems to add physical
infrastructure (i.e. Supermarket additions, filling vacant
storefronts) would work best in food deserts.
Unlike the Ocean Hill case study, where a senior
citizen program would be more beneficial for the
community, converting vacant storefronts into food
banks would be more advantageous for the Central
Harlem-North (CH-N) community. Strategies like
increasing the number of supermarkets in the area
would not be as effective since a relatively accessible
supermarket infrastructure already exists.
Although creating food banks from converted vacant
storefronts is a similar strategy to meal assistance
from religious organizations, the latter can only
reliably feed up to 100 people per location. Converted
vacant spaces would be able to adequately feed up
to 200 people. Furthermore, the population of CH-N
is comparatively less religious, so it can be why
option 3 would be less effective.
CONCLUSION:
Food insecurity affects many neighborhoods
in New York in different ways, whether it’s
through lack of healthy infrastructure, or
the inability to afford healthy options.
Though there are many incumbent programs
managing the food insecurity issue in the city,
most of them reach out to a smaller clientele
in order to maintain the quality of their
outreach. Trying to create a one-size-fits-all
solution that could encompass the whole city
would not only be extremely expensive, but
would also be unsustainable to properly feed a
food-insecure population of over 200,000
individuals.
Within these neighborhood-scale studies, it
is essential to note that their respective
infrastructures and populace are different.
There can be cases where food insecurity
takes the form of an area with an abundance of
fast-food establishments and a lack of supermarket
access. There can also be cases where food
insecurity comes from a sparsely populated area
with a majority senior-citizen demographic that
have a harder time taking the trip to their local
vendors. The simulations above show how it is
important not to look at just one solution, but
rather to mix and match different solutions
that tailor the demographics and resources
these neighborhoods have.
Ultimately, Biting the Big Apple is
a stern message to NYC’s government: it has the
responsibility of allocating these programs
depending on what makes the most sense for these
particular neighborhoods. This process is only a
start, as it uses existing infrastructure– long
term, the City has to implement permanent foundations
in order to maintain the healing process these
introductory interventions offer.